Une guerre séparatiste se profile au Mali à la suite du coup d’État (Version Française)
By Nile Bowie
By Nile Bowie
KUALA LUMPUR – As the inexperienced
protagonists of Mali’s military coup receive worldwide condemnation from the international
community and neighboring members of the Economic
Community of West African States (ECOWAS), thousands have taken to the streets
of the Malian capital of Bamako in support of the newly founded junta. Citizens
carried placards and banners reading "Down with the international
community” and “Down with Sarkozy," while chanting slogans in praise of
junta leader, Captain Amadou Sanogo. [1] Although Sanogo has visited the US
several times after being handpicked by the Pentagon to participate in
an International Military Education and Training program sponsored by the US
State Department [2], representatives of the United States have called on coup
leaders in Mali on to step down and allow for elections to take place. [3]
US State Department spokesman Mark Toner
has threatened the penurious West African state with a staunch diplomatic and
financial embargo if power is not returned to ousted Malian President Amadou
Toumani Toure within seventy-two hours. [4] While half the population lives on
less than $1.25 per day [5], the imposition of economic sanctions to the
landlocked import-reliant nation will inevitably lead to greater social
instability and civil unrest. As the prospects of embargo work to further
nurture war-like conditions amid longstanding poverty, the ECOWAS bloc has put
its troops on standby near Mali’s borders, ready to intervene should the
situation deteriorate. [6] During the 2010 - 2011 crisis in Côte d'Ivoire, forces loyal to the
French-backed Alassane Ouattara undertook a widespread campaign of atrocities
against civilians [7], a further reminder of the danger posed by the
international community’s rush to military intervention in crisis stricken
regions of Africa.
As the United States and others espouse
the importance of returning to constitutional order while Malians offer their
support to the junta, the strength of Mali’s touted democratic institutions
appear highly questionably. The primary justification behind the coup came from
the civilian government’s inadequate response to an ongoing campaign of Tuareg
separatism in northern Mali, although the recent disarray in Bamako has
prompted the steady advance of armed Tuareg militias southward. Under the
banner of the National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad (MNLA), armed
militias have reportedly seized the northeastern region of Kidal, prompting the
poorly equipped Malian army to abandon its strategic northward positions. [8]
The Tuareg are a traditionally nomadic and pastoralist ethnic minority group of
some 1.5 million people who seek to secede from the Malian republic and form an
independent nation called Azawad; the group has traditionally existed in a
territory scattered across the Sahel and Sahara countries largely operated by
al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM).
Although
the Tuareg have been credited with the recent destabilization in Northern Mali,
a strong possibility exists that AQIM has more accurately been behind insurgent activity in the region.
[9] The MNLA has stated that the objective of its independence campaign is
develop a stronghold from which to safeguard against violent AQIM activity,
while Bamako has asserted that the MNLA seek to found a ridged Islamist state in
partnership with AQIM. [10] Subsequent to the fall of Gaddafi in NATO’s Libyan
war-theater, armed Malian and Nigerien ethnic-Tuareg fighters were seen
descending into the Sahara in army issue Toyota Hi-Lux technical trucks used by
al-Qaeda affiliated Libyan rebels [11]. While it may be difficult to
distinguish the true protagonists of violence in northern Mali, the resurgence
of their activity has been greatly enhanced by their access to mortars, machine
guns, anti-tank and anti-aircraft weapons originally belonging to the radical
Libyan Islamic Fighting Group (LIFG). [12]
The
presence of a second Tuareg-dominated separatist group, Ancar Dine further
complicates the situation; the movement seeks to impose sharia law throughout
northern Mali and is led by Iyad Ag Ghaly, a prominent Salafi figure thought to
have links with a branch of Ayman al-Zawahiri’s AQIM, led by his cousin Hamada
Ag Hama. [13] As separatists now control a third of Mali, a food crisis is
approaching over Sahel-Saharan Africa as nearly eighty thousand refugees seek amnesty
in neighboring Algeria, Niger, Mauritania and Burkina Faso. [14] As the militant
Ancar Dine appear to be claiming to control over regions previously attributed
to the MNLA [15], their advance may have wider implications, capable of
drastically fomenting regional instability.
An
influx of refugees will put further strain on Algeria and Niger, with a
heightened prospect for widespread uprisings seen during the Arab Spring
unfolding in the Sahel region. Algeria may be further destabilized if the
security situation continues to deteriorate in Mali, as France may feel
compelled to intervene in the affairs of its former colonial holdings, as seen
tragically in Côte d'Ivoire. The crisis
in Mali bears a striking parallel to events in Nigeria, a nation struggling
with the Islamic insurgent activities of separatist
Boko Haram to its north. Given the political instability in Abuja, a coup orchestrated
by low-ranking officers against Nigerian president Goodluck Jonathan based on
the Malian model would not be unthinkable. As the World Bank and African
Development Bank suspend all aid to Mali, some form of military intervention is
conceivable if the UNSC’s calls for the “immediate restoration of
constitutional rule and the democratically elected government" are not
heeded [16].
As Mali's neighbors threaten to use
sanctions and military force to depose the current Committee for the
Re-establishment of Democracy and the Restoration of the State (CNRDR) led by Captain Amadou Sanogo [17], the junta has unveiled
a new constitution guaranteeing freedom of speech, thought and movement [18]. Sanogo
vowed not cling to power and to set up democratic elections when the Tuareg
insurgency can be contained; those who took part in the coup would be barred
from participation in the elections [19]. The influx of arms from NATO’s regime
change programme in Libya has created dire prospects for a heavily armed civil
war in Mali; it remains to be seen how the NATO bloc will react if the CNRDR
refuses calls to step down and engages in a drawn-out conflict with Islamist separatists.
As the US military counters the Lord’s Resistance Army by expanding its
military presence through AFRICOM (United States Africa Command) in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, the worsening situation in both Mali
and Nigeria provide further justification for foreign intervention and war
profiteering.
Notes
[1] Mali:
des milliers de manifestants soutiennent la junte, comprise en vue, AFP
March 28, 2012
[2] Leader
of Mali military coup trained in U.S., Washington Post, March 25, 2012
[3] US
calls for Mali coup leaders to step down, CNN March 30, 2012
[4] Ibid
[5] Human Development
Indices, United Nations Development Programme, 2008
[6] Mali coup: African Spring
Russia Today March 29, 2012
[7] Côte
d’Ivoire: Ouattara Forces Kill, Rape Civilians During Offensive, Human
Rights Watch, April 9, 2011
[8] Tuareg
rebels force Mali army out of North, World News Australia, March 31, 2012
[9] Mali's
mutineers maintain unusual tradition of tolerance and turbulence, The
Guardian, March 22, 2012
[10] Arab Spring Bleeds
Deeper into Africa, Asia Times March 24, 2012
[11] Ibid
[12] Qaddafi’s
Weapons, Taken by Old Allies, Reinvigorate an Insurgent Army in Mali The
New York Times, February 5, 2012
[13] Islamist
fighters call for Sharia law in Mali, AFP, March 13, 2012
[14] Les
rebelles touaregs contrôlent un tiers du Mali, Libération, March 13, 2012
[15] Armed
Islamist group claims control in northeast Mali AFP, March 20, 2012
[16] Mali coup: World
commends mutineers, BBC, March 23, 2012
[18] Mali coup: West African
leaders abandon visit, BBC, March 29, 2012
[19] New Mali leaders reveal
constitution, Russia Today March
23, 2012
Nile Bowie is an independent writer and photojournalist based in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia; he regularly contributes to Tony Cartalucci's Land Destroyer Report and Professor Michel Chossudovsky's Global Research Twitter: @NileBowie
Nile Bowie is an independent writer and photojournalist based in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia; he regularly contributes to Tony Cartalucci's Land Destroyer Report and Professor Michel Chossudovsky's Global Research Twitter: @NileBowie
