Saturday, 31 March 2012

Separatist War looms in post-coup Mali

Une guerre séparatiste se profile au Mali à la suite du coup d’État (Version Française)
By Nile Bowie

KUALA LUMPUR – As the inexperienced protagonists of Mali’s military coup receive worldwide condemnation from the international community and neighboring members of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), thousands have taken to the streets of the Malian capital of Bamako in support of the newly founded junta. Citizens carried placards and banners reading "Down with the international community” and “Down with Sarkozy," while chanting slogans in praise of junta leader, Captain Amadou Sanogo. [1] Although Sanogo has visited the US several times after being handpicked by the Pentagon to participate in an International Military Education and Training program sponsored by the US State Department [2], representatives of the United States have called on coup leaders in Mali on to step down and allow for elections to take place. [3]

US State Department spokesman Mark Toner has threatened the penurious West African state with a staunch diplomatic and financial embargo if power is not returned to ousted Malian President Amadou Toumani Toure within seventy-two hours. [4] While half the population lives on less than $1.25 per day [5], the imposition of economic sanctions to the landlocked import-reliant nation will inevitably lead to greater social instability and civil unrest. As the prospects of embargo work to further nurture war-like conditions amid longstanding poverty, the ECOWAS bloc has put its troops on standby near Mali’s borders, ready to intervene should the situation deteriorate. [6] During the 2010 - 2011 crisis in Côte d'Ivoire, forces loyal to the French-backed Alassane Ouattara undertook a widespread campaign of atrocities against civilians [7], a further reminder of the danger posed by the international community’s rush to military intervention in crisis stricken regions of Africa.

As the United States and others espouse the importance of returning to constitutional order while Malians offer their support to the junta, the strength of Mali’s touted democratic institutions appear highly questionably. The primary justification behind the coup came from the civilian government’s inadequate response to an ongoing campaign of Tuareg separatism in northern Mali, although the recent disarray in Bamako has prompted the steady advance of armed Tuareg militias southward. Under the banner of the National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad (MNLA), armed militias have reportedly seized the northeastern region of Kidal, prompting the poorly equipped Malian army to abandon its strategic northward positions. [8] The Tuareg are a traditionally nomadic and pastoralist ethnic minority group of some 1.5 million people who seek to secede from the Malian republic and form an independent nation called Azawad; the group has traditionally existed in a territory scattered across the Sahel and Sahara countries largely operated by al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM).

Although the Tuareg have been credited with the recent destabilization in Northern Mali, a strong possibility exists that AQIM has more accurately been behind insurgent activity in the region. [9] The MNLA has stated that the objective of its independence campaign is develop a stronghold from which to safeguard against violent AQIM activity, while Bamako has asserted that the MNLA seek to found a ridged Islamist state in partnership with AQIM. [10] Subsequent to the fall of Gaddafi in NATO’s Libyan war-theater, armed Malian and Nigerien ethnic-Tuareg fighters were seen descending into the Sahara in army issue Toyota Hi-Lux technical trucks used by al-Qaeda affiliated Libyan rebels [11]. While it may be difficult to distinguish the true protagonists of violence in northern Mali, the resurgence of their activity has been greatly enhanced by their access to mortars, machine guns, anti-tank and anti-aircraft weapons originally belonging to the radical Libyan Islamic Fighting Group (LIFG). [12]

The presence of a second Tuareg-dominated separatist group, Ancar Dine further complicates the situation; the movement seeks to impose sharia law throughout northern Mali and is led by Iyad Ag Ghaly, a prominent Salafi figure thought to have links with a branch of Ayman al-Zawahiri’s AQIM, led by his cousin Hamada Ag Hama. [13] As separatists now control a third of Mali, a food crisis is approaching over Sahel-Saharan Africa as nearly eighty thousand refugees seek amnesty in neighboring Algeria, Niger, Mauritania and Burkina Faso. [14] As the militant Ancar Dine appear to be claiming to control over regions previously attributed to the MNLA [15], their advance may have wider implications, capable of drastically fomenting regional instability.
An influx of refugees will put further strain on Algeria and Niger, with a heightened prospect for widespread uprisings seen during the Arab Spring unfolding in the Sahel region. Algeria may be further destabilized if the security situation continues to deteriorate in Mali, as France may feel compelled to intervene in the affairs of its former colonial holdings, as seen tragically in Côte d'Ivoire. The crisis in Mali bears a striking parallel to events in Nigeria, a nation struggling with the Islamic insurgent activities of separatist Boko Haram to its north. Given the political instability in Abuja, a coup orchestrated by low-ranking officers against Nigerian president Goodluck Jonathan based on the Malian model would not be unthinkable. As the World Bank and African Development Bank suspend all aid to Mali, some form of military intervention is conceivable if the UNSC’s calls for the “immediate restoration of constitutional rule and the democratically elected government" are not heeded [16].
As Mali's neighbors threaten to use sanctions and military force to depose the current Committee for the Re-establishment of Democracy and the Restoration of the State (CNRDR) led by Captain Amadou Sanogo [17], the junta has unveiled a new constitution guaranteeing freedom of speech, thought and movement [18]. Sanogo vowed not cling to power and to set up democratic elections when the Tuareg insurgency can be contained; those who took part in the coup would be barred from participation in the elections [19]. The influx of arms from NATO’s regime change programme in Libya has created dire prospects for a heavily armed civil war in Mali; it remains to be seen how the NATO bloc will react if the CNRDR refuses calls to step down and engages in a drawn-out conflict with Islamist separatists. As the US military counters the Lord’s Resistance Army by expanding its military presence through AFRICOM (United States Africa Command) in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the worsening situation in both Mali and Nigeria provide further justification for foreign intervention and war profiteering.
[2] Leader of Mali military coup trained in U.S., Washington Post, March 25, 2012
[4] Ibid
[5] Human Development Indices, United Nations Development Programme, 2008
[6] Mali coup: African Spring Russia Today March 29, 2012
[8] Tuareg rebels force Mali army out of North, World News Australia, March 31, 2012
[10] Arab Spring Bleeds Deeper into Africa, Asia Times March 24, 2012
[11] Ibid
[14] Les rebelles touaregs contrôlent un tiers du Mali, Libération, March 13, 2012
[16] Mali coup: World commends mutineers, BBC, March 23, 2012
[17] Mali neighbors threaten to reverse coup, Reuters, March 27, 2012
[19] New Mali leaders reveal constitution, Russia Today March 23, 2012

Nile Bowie is an independent writer and photojournalist based in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia; he regularly contributes to Tony Cartalucci's Land Destroyer Report and Professor Michel Chossudovsky's Global Research Twitter: @NileBowie  

Tuesday, 27 March 2012

Euro-Crisis triggers US policy failure on Iranian Sanction Programme

Originally posted on Iranian Short-form News Agency NasimOnline

As turmoil ensues following the ongoing foreign-backed destabilization of neighboring Syria, the financial crisis in Europe has forced the United States to exempt eleven economically ailing nations from participating in sanctions against Iran. While Iran's Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei recently emphasized the peaceful nature of Iran’s nuclear energy program; Washington continues its relentless economic crusade against Tehran unabated. The sanctions against Iran imposed by the United States have yielded additional strain on ailing European economies like Greece and Spain, as a programme of ridged austerity measures blankets the region. The sanction programme has loosened trade restrictions to some extent, but Iran’s key trading partners in China, India and South Korea have not been exempted, prompting leaders like Korean President Lee Myung Bak to seek further trade and commercial activities with the Saudi Royal Family. China also has pressure on its trade relations with Iran, as business slows in non-sanctioned industries such as telecommunications, to which China has invested heavily.

Although US officials are well aware of the non-operational status of Iran’s nuclear weapons program, Washington has begun to take Tehran’s threats to block the Strait of Hormuz with increased seriousness. The wave of Euro-crisis induced bankruptcies has impeded even the ability of nation states to participate in sanctions against Iran. Christine Lagarde, chief of the International Monetary Fund recently warned that a sudden freeze on Iranian oil could trigger a 30% surge on global crude prices. The United States is continually poised for conflict with Iran, and it becomes entirely plausible that Washington is intentionally attempting to spike oil prices to trigger panic buying in a move to strengthen the ailing US dollar. The ostensible failure of Europe’s continued implementation of the Iranian sanction programme is a further signification of the larger economic troubles in sight, as austerity cuts further incite social upheaval. 

ست سیاسی برنامهٔ تحریم ایران میشود

به دنبال ناآرامی حاصل شده توسط بی ثباتی کشور همسایه، سوریه، بحران اقتصادی اروپا ایالات متحده را مجبور به معاف یازده کشور دارای مشکلات اقتصادی از شرکت در تحریم های علیه ایران کرد. با وحود اینکه رهبر ایران،آیت الله علی خامنه ای،اخیرا تاکید بر صلح آمیز بودن برنامه هستی ایران کرده است، واشنگتن حمله ی بی رحمانه اقتصادی خود را با تمام قوا ادامه میدهد. تحریم های اعمال شده توسط ایالات متحده باعث بروز نگرانی های افزون بین کشورهایی مانند یونان و اسپانیا که از مشکلات اقتصادی رنج میبرند شده است. هرچند که برنامهٔ تحریم تا حدی باعث تضعیف محدودیتهای تجارت شده، شرکای تجاری کلیدی ایران  در چین، هند و کره جنوبی مشمول این معافیت نشده اند، که باعث شده رهبرانی مانند رئیس جمهور کره‌ای، لی‌ میونگ بک به دنبال فرصت فعالیت تجاری و بازرگانی با خانوادهٔ سلطنتی سعودی باشند. به علاوه چین، با کاهش سرعت داد و ستدش با ایران در بخشهای تحریم نشده مانند مخابرات، که سرمایه گذاری سنگینی‌ هم روی آن کرده، روابط تجاری خود را با ایران تحت فشار قرار داده است.

با اینکه مقامات رسمی‌ آمریکا به خوبی از وضعیت غیر عملیاتی برنامهٔ تسلیحات هسته‌ای ایران مطلع هستند، واشنگتن  تهدیدات تهران مبنا بر بستن تنگه هرمز را با جدیت بیشتری پذیرفته است. موج ورشکستگیهای حاصل از بحران اقتصادی اروپا توانایی کشورها را حتی برای شرکت در تحریمهای علیه ایران از آنها گرفته است. کریستین لاگارد، رییس صندوق بین‌الملل پول اخیرا هشدار داد که یک توقف ناگهانی در بازار نفت ایران میتواند باعث بروز یک جهش ناگهانی سی‌ درصدی در قیمت جهانی‌ نفت خام شود. ایالت متحده به طور مستمر آمادهٔ مناقشه با ایران است، و کاملا واضح به نظر میرسد که واشنگتن از قصد سعی‌ در بالا بردن قیمت نفت دارد، تا با التیام بخشیدن به وضعیت نامطلوب دلار آمریکا، ایجاد ترس و دلهره کند. شکست علنی اروپا در پیاده سازی مستمر برنامهٔ تحریم ایران، وجود مشکلات اقتصادی بزرگتر را ضمانت میکند، نفوذ بیشتر بی‌ پولی ‌منجر به وجود آمدن تکان هایی همراه بانگرانی در جوامع می شود.

Nile Bowie is an independent writer and photojournalist based in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia; he regularly contributes to Tony Cartalucci's Land Destroyer Report and Professor Michel Chossudovsky's Global Research Twitter: @NileBowie  


AFRICOM Report: Combating Chinese Economic Encroachment in Central Africa  (English Verison)


由于奥巴马政府提出欢迎中国在国际舞台上的和平发展,最近关于APC(美国太平洋世纪)改变的政策表明了保留很有必要保留能够致使超级大国浮出水面的军事压力规则。此外,为了保留北澳大利亚的永久性军事存在,一个以南韩JEJU岛为原型的扩展军事力量的军事基地的建立已指明了对北京日渐增长的敌意,在2014年完工这后,基地将拥有容纳20艘美国及南韩军舰的容量,基中包括,潜艇,航母以及驱逐舰。不仅如此,还有AEGIS ANTI-BALLISTIC系统的存在 。作为回应,中国政府已经明确指出增加行政区军事力量是一种公然的挑衅行为。

在经济上,中国已经被排出在TPPA(太平洋贸易合作协议)的提案之外,TPPA是一个旨在管理 个亚洲的美式国际贸易规则及为与美国合作创造收益的协约,由于在中国和俄国UNSC之后出现的进一步的基本分工政策反对美国在SYRIA的干预授权,奥巴马政府已经开始启用新的能够给北京带来经济压力的办法。美国 和欧盟以及日本已经呼吁世界贸易组织阻止中国基金挖崛项目在美国的发展,除此之外,还冻结了中国在世界银行里用来进一步发展中国开发项目的所有金融活动资金。

为了抵制中国经济的优势,华盛顿正在进行一场运动,其内容是限制中国与其电子产品相关的重要的出口产品,如平板电视,智能手机,笔记本电脑电池。 2010年被命名为“Critical Raw Materials for the EU(欧盟的关键原材料)的白皮书中,欧盟委员会提出迫切需要储备物资的如钽,钴,铌,钨等等,与此同时,美国能源部2010年的白皮书“Critical Mineral Strategy(对于重要矿产资源的策略)承认了这些关键部件的战略重要性。巧合的是,被广泛认为是世界上资源最丰富的国家:刚果民主共和国,美国军方正试图增加军事力量的存在

由于过去其他国家对刚果(金)的殖民与掠夺,尽管它拥有一个大约总值24万亿未开发的原始的矿物质资料储量,它的人均国内生产总值始终是世界倒数第二。 1996年至2003年刚果战争期间,美国给卢旺达和乌干达士兵们提供培训和武器,之后卢旺达和乌干达士兵入侵刚果(金)东部省份。除了各跨国公司受益从中外,卢旺达的保罗·卡加梅和乌干达的约韦里·穆塞韦尼在这场对矿物资源掠夺中获益巨大,如锡石,钶钽(铌,钽派生)和黄金。刚果(金)现今持有超过30%的世界钻石储量 80%的世界的钶钽铁矿石,其中大部分是出口到中国,加工成电子级钽粉和接线。

中国前所未有的经济转型已不仅依赖于美国,澳大利亚和欧盟的消费市场,同时也依赖于非洲丰富的原材料。在中国对非洲的经济和文化的影响下,Beijing(北京)单独建立一个200万美元的标志性建筑 Africa Union headquarters(非洲联盟总部。非洲联盟总部建成后,经济走下坡路的美国和它的领袖们都因为美国减少了对该地区的影响作用而感到不满。2011年在非洲的外交之旅中,美国国务卿希拉里·克林顿自己不负责任的指责中国的遍地蔓延的“新殖民主义有罪 

当中国持有估计1.5万亿美元在美国政府国的时候,克林顿在发言中仍然公然挑衅中国。有了世界上最大的外汇储备的支持,中国开始为金砖四国提供人民币贷款,于此同时,新兴的抵制New American Century(美国新世纪)的国家的前景 似乎越来越放心。虽然英美帝国主义的擅长运用军事力量使目标国家屈服,从而使获得成功,今天的非洲领导人没有义务和中国做生意-尽管这样做可能会从中赚取利益。中国每年估计在非洲投资 5.5亿元,其中2009直接投资在采矿业只有29 -而,在他们自己的指导下,非洲人在国内制造业,金融业,建筑等行业获得了巨大的利益(除了对工人的虐待的负面报道外)。

2009年和2012年之间,中国已承诺进一步向非洲提供10亿美元的优惠贷款并在赞比亚和坦桑尼亚等“非资源丰富的经济体的制造业区”作出重大投资。作为非洲最大的贸易伙伴,中国每天从非洲进口150万桶石油,约占进口总额的30%。在过去的十年中,当中国政府出资在非洲农村建立普通话和粤语的语言类文化中心时,已经有750000的中国人在非洲居住。因为人们预测中国将在2016年时会成为世界上经济最发达的国家,“recent materialization of plans( 金砖四国银行计划)有潜力去重组全球金融气候和面对国际货币基金组织在非洲的战略霸权行为的挑战。

据戴维·希恩,布基纳法索和埃塞俄比亚的前美国驻华大使所说,中国对于非洲经济体的干预和它在非洲矿产业(如电讯业和基建项目)的发展的重要角色使西方国家感到不安。国防白皮书2011题为“Military and Security Developments Involving the PRC军事和安全的发展涉及中国的人民共和国,美国承认了中国的成熟的现代硬件和军事技术,同时,美国指出北京很有可能在其与台湾关系深入后寻找与其敌对的机会。该文件进一步指出,作为一个在世界舞台上的重要角色,中国的崛起可能作为21世纪初以其自身的标致性和战略性脱颖而出。此外,国防部部承认,中国不可估量的前景正在被这个世界舞台发展的舞台上扮演越来越重要的角色。

在打击恐怖主义和保护人权的幌子下,为了反对中国区域经济权威,美国派遣军队到非洲。虽然这种军事力量不会像美国在朝鲜或台湾军事力量一样引起紧张局势,边缘政策的紧张局势的可能性仍然将会持续。中国拥有世界上最大的一支包括2,285,000人员的常设军队,同时,中国通过扩大传统海军的能力包括开发全球第一个反舰弹道导弹)去挑战Americas Pacific Century美国的太平洋世纪)的军事霸权。 此外,中国移动开始测试先进的防反卫星(ASAT)和反导武器系统(ABM,用先进的技术努力使中美竞争进入太空战。

在解除“Lord’s Resistance Army(上帝抵抗军)的借口下,美国干预民主刚果共和国,南部苏丹,中非共和国和乌干达只是一个虚假的幌子。“LRA”(上帝抵抗军)已经运转超过二十年,可是目前仍处于一个大约只拥有400名士兵的极其弱化的状态。根据 LRA Crisis Tracker’’(由隐形儿童组推出的数字危机绘图软件),自从2006年,LRA在乌干达的活动一次都没有被报道出来。绝大多数的报告发生在中非共和国和苏丹南部边境,刚果民主共和国东北部的班加迪地区的地方。



Amin(阿明)宣布自己是国家总统之前,他是英国殖民军队的一员,在Mau Mau 战乱中负责管理肯尼亚的集中营。阿明对阿乔伊人民进行了集体的屠杀因为他怀疑阿乔伊人民对LRA创始人奥博特怀有不忠。在阿明企图吞并邻近的卡盖拉省坦桑尼亚后,奥博特在1979年重新宣布自己是总统。1986年,穆塞韦尼成立救国阵线在美国的支持下去推翻奥博特的政府,尽管事实上他的军队使用儿童兵。穆塞韦尼正式上台,并其后被控种族灭绝。 




1999年,乌干达军队以胡图族解放运动作为假托去侵略卢旺达。穆塞韦尼拒绝承认居住在乌干达的胡图—卢旺达避难所的人的公民身份并对其施行屠杀,从而导致了1994年对卢旺达人民的种族屠杀。卡加梅曾在美国 堪萨斯州的Leavenwoth CGSC(陆军指挥和参谋学院)学习,在这期间, 他作为一名PRA的海军中校,亲眼目睹了乌军势力卢旺达的扩张过程。 RPA收到了由UPDF的资金,同时,入侵卢旺达这一举动也得到了美国和英国的大力支持。美国特种部队和佣兵装备—军事专业资源公司(MPRI)共同合作,为军队提供了训练与资源。2000年的一个报道中, 加拿大博士马歇尔 乔苏多夫斯基 比利时经济学家 皮尔 珈蓝 总结道:像国际资金组织和世界银行这样的经济组织通过对 Habyarimana Museveni 两个区域提供外债在进行军事上的支出去给卢旺达战争中的对立方同时提供资金援助。在乌干达,世界银行目睹了国家收入转移到UPDF变成了UPDF的基金,世界银行强加的紧缩措施仅仅对平民的财政收入做出测评。在卢旺达,由国际发展协会(IDA非洲发展基金(AFD),和在欧洲发展基金(EDF)的世界银行提供的开发贷款争相涌进,被用来建立胡图族极端主义帮派民兵,极端主义帮派民兵在卢旺达是大屠杀的主角。


1961年,刚果第一位合法选举的国会主要代表PATRICE LUMUMBA被暗杀,暗杀行动则是在比利时情报局及CIA的支持下,为后来32年的MOBUTOSESESEKO政权开拓了道路,为了进一步净化刚果殖民文化影响,MOBUTU重新命名了扎伊尔建立了一个与法国比利时,美国结盟的中央集权的独裁国家,由于MOBUTU对待共产主义的坚决反对 态度 MOBUTU 在二战期间被看作是美国最忠实的同盟国,该政府获得了众多的国际援助,大多数来自美国,在他的领导下允许在扎尔塞人盗用国际援助和贷款期间,大规模破坏基础设施建设。MOBUTO自己也被曝在瑞士银行拥有40亿美元的私人存款。

美国和扎伊尔之间的关系在冷战结束之后变得冷淡,因为一段时期内美国已经不再需要MOBUTO作为忠实盟友,华盛顿将会运用卢旺达和乌干达的军队侵略刚果,推翻MOBUTO建立一个新的傀儡政权,伴随着卢旺达冲突的到来,120万胡图市民(中有许多大屠杀的参与者)由于害怕保尔。卡加梅的控诉逃窜到东部扎伊尔的基伍省,训练有素的卢旺达与乌干达部队,在美国FORT BAGG集结游行,而且在未来总统的支持下煽动刚果造反行为,在保护国际安全保卫组织对抗胡图民兵带来的威胁卢旺达游行的幌子下,乌干达和布隆迪武装侵略了刚果,损毁了难民营,屠杀了数以千记的包括妇女和儿童在内的胡图市民。
关于在刚果的野蛮凶杀行为的报告的原因很少被归结为西方国家,所以,国际组织对于卡加梅和卢旺达图西人的种族灭绝的受害者表示同情,哈里勃顿和百彻泰尔(在伊拉客战争中大获其利的军事活动承办人)之前也参加了旨在推翻MOBUTU和重建KABILA政权的军事训练和侦察行动,在罢免了MOBUTO和夺取在KINSHASA的控制权后。LAURENT KABILA很快被当作是专制君主扶正,尤其是在消除了所有反抗他的规则的声音及行为后,他离开了卢旺达这个靠山,而且呼吁刚果民众猛烈净化卢旺达民族,促使卢旺达在戈尔马市的重组,意图则是要获得在东部刚果丰富的版图资源。


刚果专款办公室1982年报道“钴,关于具有战略性意义矿产资源的政策选择”中指出 钴合金对于航空航天事业及其武器制造业具有极其重要的作用,世界上64%的钴合金储存在KATANGU COPPER纽带上,这条纽带从东南部刚果一直延伸到南部赞比亚,基于这个原因未来军事工业的系列暴行很大程度上取决于对于东部刚果共和国具有战略性意义的资源的控制权上,2001LAURENT KABILA被他的一名保镖暗杀,这为他儿子JOSEPH KABILA篡夺总统职位铺平了道路,小KABILA凭借他满足外国侵略势力的能力仅依靠外国州领导和国际商业团体就取得了他的正统性独裁地位。

2011年的刚果国会选举国际组织和欧盟对于竞选委员会提出的非法集会的问题保持了预想中的沉默,刚国共和国稳定政权组织(MONUSCO)面临了更多的腐败言论,为了呼吁欧盟终止他们保持国际侵略系统的故意行径,也为了任命“少腐败多信赖”的某人来领导欧盟,他们正在努力提高 ETIENMETSHISIKEELY的领导地位,刚国共和国稳定政权组织(MONUSCO)已深受频频出现的由于侵略如锡等矿产资料的一系列维和案例的烦恼,同时对于处理民兵组织的武器问题也深恶痛疾。

在小JOSEPH KABILA的领导下,中国在刚果共和国的商业活动在矿山开发领域及电讯通信领域都有显著的增长,2000年,中国ZTE集团与刚果政府完成了一笔一千两百六十万美元的交易以成立刚果第一家电讯公司,此外,在20072008年间,刚果共和国出口了价值1.4亿美元的钴,刚果大部分的纯矿物资源例如:钴,铜矿石,还有很多出口到中国深加工的稀有矿石以及90%建立在加丹加省东南部丰富的资源基础上的深加工都是属于由中国完成的。2008年一个中国公司的联营企业被 授予开采矿山的权力 ,以此换来6亿美元的基础设施建设基金,用这笔基金可建包括两所医院4所大学以及一个水力发电工程。

美国当局目前正在动员群众支持美国加强军事力量存在的观点,以逮捕JOSEPH KONY为借口,粉碎伊斯兰恐怖主义终结长期存在的人类社会问题为幌子。作为善意的美国人都先后被高度情绪化的社会化媒体推动美国应对暴行运动,很少有人意识到美国和西方金融机构的作用其实是煽动他们正准备解决的非常悲剧。虽然许多真正关心的个人天真地支持美国的驻军,调动地面部队在中部非洲将有可能采用集体使用捕食者无人驾驶飞机和有针对性的导弹袭击,则有可能带来更大的伤亡。

加强美国军事在行政区内的力量已经成为巩固非洲司令部项目计划的一个重要组成部分,非洲联合国控制了行政区内整个意图明显的军事基地岛屿,2007年,美国国务卿发言人DR.J.PETER.PHAM给出了以下关于非洲司令部战略性目的的发言“最大程度上保护非洲大陆上烃以及其他具有战略性意义的自然资源的来源”,它是包括确保消除那些天然财富天生脆弱性以及确保消除如中国,印度,日本或者俄国在内的有可能感兴趣的其他国家的长期任务,以获得垄断权与优先的财富”此外,2008218号在FORT MCNAIR举行的非洲司令部峰会上海军总司令,ROBERT.MOELLER公开提出 了保护 非洲自然资源避免被国际市场掠夺的向导性原则,在此之后,才提出日渐强大的中国已成为美国在行政区的主要挑战对象。

日渐加强美国驻非军事力量不仅仅是确立其在乌干达新发崛石油储备的垄断权的一个手段,MUSEVENI的合法性地位的存在就是单纯依靠外国靠山及他们日渐强大的军事紧急行动,换句话说,美国向其驻军不仅仅是为了获取坎帕拉石油的垄断权,对非洲的一系列行动中更多的是为了动摇刚果共和国的社会深一层矛盾,并掠夺其具有战略意义的稀有资源,例如,钴,钽,金及钻石,更确切地说,美国政府正在通过在刚果制造危险战争气氛这一手段稳步推行一套“焦土政策”,从而促使大批刚果投资华人离开刚果。与利比亚冲突相似,中国人在卡扎菲政权走下坡路的时候回来 ,其目的是找到一个只愿与能够帮他们掌握政治力量的西方政权做生意的傀儡政权。

正如美国运用自身影响力来制造南苏丹等国家的分离突发事件,SOMALIAS AL SHABAAB NIGERIA BOKO HARAM的军事行动及南非更大范围内的派系斗争为美国进一步干预非洲行政区的军事行动提供了更具体的借口,第一名美籍非洲总统名义上的角色是将打击恐怖主义的战争直接输入到非洲大陆上去,实际上,他则主要是通过一些运动来利用宗教少数民族团体间成立的紧张局势来达到自已的掠夺目的,美国 政治理论家DRHENRY KISSINGER,迫切声明“减少人口应该是美国政策针对第三世界国家政策中优先考虑的问题,中南部非洲广阔的沙漠及茂密的森林勿庸质疑将成为未来数十年内资源大战的主战场”。

NileBowie 是一名以马来西亚为基地的独立作家及摄影记者,他长期给 Tony Cartaluccis Land Destroyer Report and Professor Michel Chossudovskys Global Research 供稿

Friday, 23 March 2012

AFRICOM Report: Combating Chinese Economic Encroachment in Central Africa

L’AFRICOM des Etats-Unis et la militarisation du continent Africain (Version Française)
非洲司令部的报告:打击中国在中部非洲的经济侵略 (中國語文)

Since the time of the British Empire and the manifesto of Cecil Rhodes, the pursuit of treasures on the hopeless continent has demonstrated the expendability of human life. Despite decades of apathy among the primary resource consumers, the increasing reach of social media propaganda has ignited public interest in Africa’s long overlooked social issues. In the wake of celebrity endorsed pro-intervention publicity stunts, public opinion in the United States is now being mobilized in favor of a greater military presence on the African continent. Following the deployment of one hundred US military personnel to Uganda in 2011, a new bill has been introduced to the Congress calling for the further expansion of regional military forces in pursuit of the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), an ailing rebel group allegedly responsible for recruiting child soldiers and conducting crimes against humanity.

As the Obama administration claims to welcome the peaceful rise of China on the world stage, recent policy shifts toward an American Pacific Century indicate a desire to maintain the capacity to project military force toward the emerging superpower. In addition to maintaining a permanent military presence in Northern Australia, the construction of an expansive military base on South Korea’s Jeju Island has indicated growing antagonism towards Beijing. The base maintains the capacity to host up to twenty American and South Korean warships, including submarines, aircraft carriers and destroyers once completed in 2014 – in addition to the presence of Aegis anti-ballistic systems. In response, Chinese leadership has referred to the increasing militarization in the region as an open provocation.

On the economic front, China has been excluded from the proposed Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPPA), a trade agreement intended to administer US-designed international trading regulations throughout Asia, to the benefit of American corporations. As further fundamental policy divisions emerge subsequent to China and Russia’s UNSC veto mandating intervention in Syria, the Obama administration has begun utilizing alternative measures to exert new economic pressure towards Beijing. The United States, along with the EU and Japan have called on the World Trade Organization to block Chinese-funded mining projects in the US, in addition to a freeze on World Bank financing for China’s extensive mining projects.

In a move to counteract Chinese economic ascendancy, Washington is crusading against China's export restrictions on minerals that are crucial components in the production of consumer electronics such as flat-screen televisions, smart phones, laptop batteries, and a host of other products. In a 2010 white paper entitled “Critical Raw Materials for the EU,” the European Commission cites the immediate need for reserve supplies of tantalum, cobalt, niobium, and tungsten among others; the US Department of Energy 2010 white paper “Critical Mineral Strategy” also acknowledged the strategic importance of these key components.  Coincidently, the US military is now attempting to increase its presence in what is widely considered the world’s most resource rich nation, the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

The DRC has suffered immensely during its history of foreign plunder and colonial occupation; it maintains the second lowest GDP per capita despite having an estimated $24 trillion in untapped raw minerals deposits. During the Congo Wars of the 1996 to 2003, the United States provided training and arms to Rwandan and Ugandan militias who later invaded the eastern provinces of the DRC in proxy. In addition to benefiting various multinational corporations, the regimes of Paul Kagame in Rwanda and Yoweri Museveni in Uganda both profited immensely from the plunder of Congolese conflict minerals such as cassiterite, wolframite, coltan (from which niobium and tantalum are derived) and gold. The DRC holds more than 30% of the world's diamond reserves and 80% of the world's coltan, the majority of which is exported to China for processing into electronic-grade tantalum powder and wiring.

China’s unprecedented economic transformation has relied not only on consumer markets in the United States, Australia and the EU – but also on Africa, as a source for a vast array of raw materials. As Chinese economic and cultural influence in Africa expands exponentially with the symbolic construction of the new $200 million African Union headquarters funded solely by Beijing, the ailing United States and its leadership have expressed dissatisfaction toward its diminishing role in the region. During a diplomatic tour of Africa in 2011, US Secretary of State Hilary Clinton herself has irresponsibly insinuated China’s guilt in perpetuating a creeping “new colonialism.

At a time when China holds an estimated $1.5 trillion in American government debt, Clinton’s comments remain dangerously provocative. As China, backed by the world’s largest foreign currency reserves, begins to offer loans to its BRICS counterparts in RMB, the prospect of emerging nations resisting the New American Century appear to be increasingly assured. While the success of Anglo-American imperialism relies on its capacity to militarily drive target nations into submission, today’s African leaders are not obliged to do business with China – although doing so may be to their benefit. China annually invests an estimated $5.5 billion in Africa, with only 29 percent of direct investment in the mining sector in 2009 – while more than half was directed toward domestic manufacturing, finance, and construction industries, which largely benefit Africans themselves – despite reports of worker mistreatment.

China has further committed $10 billion in concessional loans to Africa between 2009 and 2012 and made significant investments in manufacturing zones in non-resource-rich economies such as Zambia and Tanzania. As Africa’s largest trading partner, China imports 1.5 million barrels of oil from Africa per day, approximately accounting for 30 percent of its total imports. Over the past decade, 750,000 Chinese nationals have settled in Africa, while Chinese state-funded cultural centers in rural parts of the continent conduct language classes in Mandarin and Cantonese. As China is predicted to formally emerge as the world’s largest economy in 2016, the recent materialization of plans for a BRICS Bank have the potential to restructure the global financial climate and directly challenge the hegemonic conduct of the International Monetary Fund in Africa’s strategic emerging economies.

China’s deepening economic engagement in Africa and its crucial role in developing the mineral sector, telecommunications industry and much needed infrastructural projects is creating "deep nervousness" in the West, according to David Shinn, the former US ambassador to Burkina Faso and Ethiopia. In a 2011 Department of Defense whitepaper entitled “Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China”, the US acknowledges the maturity of China’s modern hardware and military technology, and the likelihood of Beijing finding hostility with further military alliances between the United States and Taiwan. The document further indicates that “China’s rise as a major international actor is likely to stand out as a defining feature of the strategic landscape of the early 21st century. Furthermore, the Department of Defense concedes to the uncertainty of how China’s growing capabilities will be administered on the world stage.

Although a US military presence in Africa (under the guise of fighting terrorism and protecting human rights) specifically to counter Chinese regional economic authority may not incite tension in the same way that a US presence in North Korea or Taiwan would, the potential for brinksmanship exists and will persist. China maintains the largest standing army in the world with 2,285,000 personnel and is working to challenge the regional military hegemony of America’s Pacific Century with its expanding naval and conventional capabilities, including an effort to develop the world’s first anti-ship ballistic missile. Furthermore, China has moved to begin testing advanced anti-satellite (ASAT) and Anti Ballistic Missile (ABM) weapons systems in an effort to bring the US-China rivalry into Space warfare.

The concept of US intervention into the Democratic Republic of the Congo, South Sudan, Central African Republic and Uganda under the pretext of disarming the Lord’s Resistance Army is an ultimately fraudulent purpose. The LRA has been in operation for over two decades, and presently remains at an extremely weakened state, with approximately 400 soldiers. According the LRA Crisis Tracker, a digital crisis mapping software launched by the Invisible Children group, not a single case of LRA activity has been reported in Uganda since 2006. The vast majority of reported attacks are presently taking place in the northeastern Bangadi region of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, located on the foot of a tri-border expanse between the Central African Republic and South Sudan.

The existence of the Lord’s Resistance Army should rightfully be disputed, as the cases of LRA activity reported by US State Department-supported Invisible Children rely on unconfirmed reports – cases where LRA activity is presumed and suspected. Given the extreme instability in the northern DRC after decades of foreign invasion and countless rebel insurgencies, the lack of adequate investigative infrastructure needed to sufficiently examine and confirm the LRA’s presence is simply not in place. The villainous branding of Joseph Kony may well be deserved, however it cannot be overstated that the LRA threat is wholly misrepresented in recent pro-intervention US legislation. An increasing US presence in the region exists only to curtail the increasing economic presence of China in one of the world’s most resource and mineral rich regions.

The Lord’s Resistance Army was originally formed in 1987 in northwestern Uganda by members of the Acholi ethnic group, who were historically exploited for forced labor by the British colonialists and later marginalized by the nation’s dominant Bantu ethic groups following independence. The Lord’s Resistance Army originally aimed to overthrow the government of current Ugandan President, Yoweri Museveni – due to a campaign of genocide waged against the Acholi people. The northern Ugandan Acholi and Langi ethnic groups have been historically targeted and ostracized by successive Anglo-American backed administrations. In 1971, Israeli and British intelligence agencies engineered a coup against Uganda’s socialist President Milton Obote, which gave rise to the disastrous regime of Idi Amin.

Prior to declaring himself head of state after deposing Obote, Amin was a member of the British colonial regiment, charged with managing concentration camps in Kenya during the Mau Mau rebellion beginning in 1952. Amin conducted genocide against the Acholi people on the suspicion of loyalty toward the former Obote leadership, who later reclaimed power in 1979 after Amin attempted to annex the neighboring Kagera province of Tanzania. Museveni founded the Front for National Salvation, which helped topple Obote with US support in 1986, despite the fact that his army exploited the use of child soldiers. Museveni formally took power and was subsequently accused of genocide for driving the Acholi people into detainment camps in an attempt to usurp fertile land in northern Uganda

The Museveni regime has displaced approximately 1.5 million Acholi and killed at least three hundred thousand people when taking power in 1986 according to the Red Cross. In addition to accusations of using rape as weapon and overseeing the deaths of thousands in squalid detainment camps, Museveni has been accused of exerting a campaign of state-sponsored terror onto the Acholi people in a 1992 Amnesty International report. During an interview with Joseph Kony in 2006, the LRA commander denies allegations of mutilation and torture and further accuses Museveni’s forces of committing such actions as propaganda against the Lord’s Resistance Army.

In a detailed report of Museveni’s atrocities, Ugandan writer Herrn Edward Mulindwa offers, “During the 22-year war, Museveni’s army killed, maimed and mutilated thousands of civilians, while blaming it on rebels. In northern Uganda, instead of defending and protecting civilians against rebel attacks, Museveni’s army would masquerade as rebels and commit gross atrocities, including maiming and mutilation, only to return and pretend to be saviors of the affected people.” Despite such compelling evidence of brutality, Museveni has been a staunch US ally since the Reagan administration and received $45 million dollars in military aid from the Obama administration for Ugandan participation in the fight against Somalia’s al Shabaab militia. Since the abhorrent failure of the 1993 US intervention in Somalia, the US has relied on the militaries of Rwanda, Uganda and Ethiopia to carry out US interests in proxy.

Since colonial times, the West has historically exploited ethnic differences in Africa for political gain. In Rwanda, the Belgian colonial administration exacerbated tension between the Hutu, who were subjugated as a workforce – and the Tutsi, seen as extenders of Belgian rule. From the start of the Rwandan civil war in 1990, the US sought to overthrow the 20-year reign of Hutu President Juvénal Habyarimana by installing a Tutsi proxy government in Rwanda, a region historically under the influence of France and Belgium. At that time prior to the outbreak of the Rwandan civil war, the Tutsi Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA) led by current Rwandan President Paul Kagame, was part of Museveni’s United People's Defense Forces (UPDF).

Ugandan forces invaded Rwanda in 1990 under the pretext of Tutsi liberation, despite the fact that Museveni refused to grant citizenship to Tutsi-Rwandan refugees living in Uganda at the time, a move that further offset the 1994 Rwandan genocide. Kagame himself was trained at the U.S. Army Command and Staff College (CGSC) in Leavenworth, Kansas prior to returning to the region to oversee the 1990 invasion of Rwanda as commander of the RPA, which received supplies from US-funded UPDF military bases inside Uganda. The invasion of Rwanda had the full support of the US and Britain, who provided training by US Special Forces in collaboration with US mercenary outfit, Military Professional Resources Incorporated (MPRI).
A report issued in 2000 by Canadian Professor Michel Chossudovsky and Belgian economist Pierre Galand concluded that western financial institutions such as the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank financed both sides of the Rwandan civil war, through a process of financing military expenditure from the external debt of both the regimes of Habyarimana and Museveni. In Uganda, the World Bank imposed austerity measures solely on civilian expenditures while overseeing the diversion of State revenue go toward funding the UPDF, on behalf of Washington. In Rwanda, the influx of development loans from the World Bank's affiliates such as the International Development Association (IDA), the African Development Fund (AFD), and the European Development Fund (EDF) were diverted into funding the Hutu extremist Interhamwe militia, the main protagonists of the Rwandan genocide.
Perhaps most disturbingly, the World Bank oversaw huge arms purchases that were recorded as bona fide government expenditures, a stark violation of agreements signed between the Rwandan government and donor institutions. Under the watch of the World Bank, the Habyarimana regime imported approximately one million machetes through various Interhamwe linked organizations, under the pretext of importing civilian commodities. To ensure their reimbursement, a multilateral trust fund of $55.2 million dollars was designated toward postwar reconstruction efforts, although the money was not allocated to Rwanda – but to the World Bank, to service the debts used to finance the massacres.
Furthermore, Paul Kagame was pressured by Washington upon coming to power to recognize the legitimacy of the debt incurred by the previous genocidal Habyarimana regime. The swap of old loans for new debts (under the banner of post-war reconstruction) was conditional upon the acceptance of a new wave of IMF-World Bank reforms, which similarly diverted outside funds into military expenditure prior to the Kagame-led invasion of the Congo, then referred to as Zaire. As present day Washington legislators attempt to increase US military presence in the DRC under the pretext of humanitarian concern, the highly documented conduct of lawless western intelligence agencies and defense contractors in the Congo since its independence sheds further light on the exploitative nature of western intervention.

In 1961, the Congo’s first legally elected Prime Minister, Patrice Lumumba was assassinated with support from Belgian intelligence and the CIA, paving the way for the thirty-two year reign of Mobutu Sese Seko. As part of an attempt to purge the Congo of all colonial cultural influence, Mobutu renamed the country Zaire and led an authoritarian regime closely allied to France, Belgium and the US. Mobutu was regarded as a staunch US ally during the Cold War due to his strong stance against communism; the regime received billions in international aid, most from the United States. His administration allowed national infrastructure to deteriorate while the Zairian kleptocracy embezzled international aid and loans; Mobutu himself reportedly held $4 billion USD in a personal Swiss bank account.

Relations between the US and Zaire thawed at the end of the Cold War, when Mobutu was no longer needed as an ally; Washington would later use Rwandan and Ugandan troops to invade the Congo to topple Mobutu and install a new proxy regime. Following the conflict in Rwanda, 1.2 million Hutu civilians (many of whom who took part in the genocide) crossed into the Kivu province of eastern Zaire fearing prosecution from Paul Kagame’s Tutsi RPA. US Special Forces trained Rwandan and Ugandan troops at Fort Bragg in the United States and supported Congolese rebels under future President, Laurent Kabila. Under the pretext of safeguarding Rwandan national security against the threat of displaced Hutu militias, troops from Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi invaded the Congo and ripped through Hutu refugee camps, slaughtering thousands of Rwandan and Congolese Hutu civilians, many of who were women and children.

Reports of brutality and mass killing in the Congo were rarely addressed in the West, as the International Community was sympathetic to Kagame and the Rwandan Tutsi victims of genocide. Both Halliburton and Bechtel (military contractors that profited immensely from the Iraq war) were involved in military training and reconnaissance operations in an attempt to overthrow Mobutu and bring Kabila to power. After deposing Mobutu and seizing control in Kinshasa, Laurent Kabila was quickly regarded as an equally despotic leader after eradicating all opposition to his rule; he turned away from his Rwandan backers and called on Congolese civilians to violently purge the nation of Rwandans, prompting Rwandan forces to regroup in Goma, in an attempt to capture resource rich territory in eastern Congo.

Prior to becoming President in 1997, Kabila sent representatives to Toronto to discuss mining opportunities with American Mineral Fields (AMF) and Canada’s Barrick Gold Corporation; AMF had direct ties to US President Bill Clinton and was given exclusive exploration rights to zinc, copper, and cobalt mines in the area. The Congolese Wars perpetrated by Rwanda and Uganda killed at least six million people, making it the largest case of genocide since the Jewish holocaust. The successful perpetration of the conflict relied on western military and financial support, and was fought primarily to usurp the extensive mining resources of eastern and southern Congo; the US defense industry relies on high quality metallic alloys indigenous to the region, used primarily in the construction of high-performance jet engines.

In 1980, Pentagon documents acknowledged shortages of cobalt, titanium, chromium, tantalum, beryllium, and nickel; US participation in the Congolese conflict was largely an effort to obtain these needed resources. The sole piece of legislation authored by President Obama during his time as a Senator was S.B. 2125, the Democratic Republic of the Congo Relief, Security, and Democracy Promotion Act of 2006. In the legislation, Obama acknowledges the Congo as a long-term interest to the United States and further alludes to the threat of Hutu militias as an apparent pretext for continued interference in the region; Section 201(6) of the bill specifically calls for the protection of natural resources in the eastern DRC.

The Congressional Budget Office’s 1982 report “Cobalt: Policy Options for a Strategic Mineral” notes that cobalt alloys are critical to the aerospace and weapons industries and that 64% of the world’s cobalt reserves lay in the Katanga Copper Belt, running from southeastern Congo into northern Zambia. For this reason, the future perpetration of the military industrial complex largely depends on the control of strategic resources in the eastern DRC. In 2001, Laurent Kabila was assassinated by a member of his security staff, paving the way for his son Joseph Kabila to dynastically usurp the presidency. The younger Kabila derives his legitimacy solely from the support of foreign heads of state and the international business community, due to his ability to comply with foreign plunder.

During the Congo’s general elections in November 2011, the international community and the UN remained predictably silent regarding the mass irregularities observed by the electoral committee. The United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO) has faced frequent allegations of corruption, prompting opposition leader Étienne Tshisikedi to call for the UN mission to end its deliberate efforts to maintain the system of international plundering and to appoint someone “less corrupt and more credible to head UN operations. MONUSCO has been plagued with frequent cases of peacekeeping troops caught smuggling minerals such as cassiterite and dealing weapons to militia groups.

Under the younger Joseph Kabila, Chinese commercial activities in the DRC have significantly increased not only in the mining sector, but also considerably in the telecommunications field. In 2000, the Chinese ZTE Corporation finalized a $12.6 million deal with the Congolese government to establish the first Sino-Congolese telecommunications company; furthermore, the DRC exported $1.4 billion worth of cobalt between 2007 and 2008. The majority of Congolese raw materials like cobalt, copper ore and a variety of hard woods are exported to China for further processing and 90% of the processing plants in resource rich southeastern Katanga province are owned by Chinese nationals. In 2008, a consortium of Chinese companies were granted the rights to mining operations in Katanga in exchange for US$6 billion in infrastructure investments, including the construction of two hospitals, four universities and a hydroelectric power project.

The framework of the deal allocated an additional $3 million to develop cobalt and copper mining operations in Katanga. In 2009, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) demanded renegotiation of the deal, arguing that the agreement between China and the DRC violated the foreign debt relief program for so-called HIPC (Highly Indebted Poor Countries) nations. The vast majority of the DRC’s $11 billion foreign debt owed to the Paris Club was embezzled by the previous regime of Mobuto Sesi Seko. The IMF successfully blocked the deal in May 2009, calling for a more feasibility study of the DRCs mineral concessions.

The United States is currently mobilizing public opinion in favor of a greater US presence in Africa, under the pretext of capturing Joseph Kony, quelling Islamist terrorism and putting an end to long-standing humanitarian issues. As well-meaning Americans are successively coerced by highly emotional social media campaigns promoting an American response to atrocities, few realize the role of the United States and western financial institutions in fomenting the very tragedies they are now poised to resolve. While many genuinely concerned individuals naively support forms of pro-war brand activism, the mobilization of ground forces in Central Africa will likely employ the use of predator drones and targeted missile strikes that have been notoriously responsible for civilian causalities en masse.

The further consolidation of US presence in the region is part of a larger program to expand AFRICOM, the United States Africa Command through a proposed archipelago of military bases in the region. In 2007, US State Department advisor Dr. J. Peter Pham offered the following on AFRICOM and its strategic objectives of "protecting access to hydrocarbons and other strategic resources which Africa has in abundance, a task which includes ensuring against the vulnerability of those natural riches and ensuring that no other interested third parties, such as China, India, Japan, or Russia, obtain monopolies or preferential treatment." Additionally, during an AFRICOM Conference held at Fort McNair on February 18, 2008, Vice Admiral Robert T. Moeller openly declared AFRICOM’s guiding principle of protecting “the free flow of natural resources from Africa to the global market,” before citing the increasing presence of China as a major challenge to US interests in the region.

The increased US presence in Central Africa is not simply a measure to secure monopolies on Uganda’s recently discovered oil reserves; Museveni’s legitimacy depends solely on foreign backers and their extensive military aid contributions – US ground forces are not required to obtain valuable oil contracts from Kampala. The push into Africa has more to do with destabilizing the deeply troubled Democratic Republic of the Congo and capturing its strategic reserves of cobalt, tantalum, gold and diamonds. More accurately, the US is poised to employ a scorched-earth policy by creating dangerous war-like conditions in the Congo, prompting the mass exodus of Chinese investors. Similarly to the Libyan conflict, the Chinese returned after the fall of Gaddafi to find a proxy government only willing to do business with the western nations who helped it into power.

As the US uses its influence to nurture the emergence of breakaway states like South Sudan, the activities of Somalia’s al Shabaab, Nigeria’s Boko Haram and larger factions of AQIM in North Africa offer a concrete pretext for further US involvement in regional affairs. The ostensible role of the first African-American US President is to export the theatresque War on Terror directly to the African continent, in a campaign to exploit established tensions along tribal, ethnic and religious lines. As US policy theoreticians such as Dr. Henry Kissinger, willingly proclaim, "Depopulation should be the highest priority of US foreign policy towards the Third World,” the vast expanse of desert and jungles in northern and central Africa will undoubtedly serve as the venue for the next decade of resource wars.

Nile Bowie is an independent writer and photojournalist based in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia; he regularly contributes to Tony Cartalucci's Land Destroyer Report and Professor Michel Chossudovsky's Global Research Twitter: @NileBowie